Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Musee de l'Ancien Eveche | Panels from an altarpiece

These two panels come from an altarpiece associated with the chapel of the castle of Bon Repos, Jarrie, just to the south of Grenoble. The castle was built around 1470 by Guillaume Armuet. The panels are oil on wood and are dated to the late 15th or early 16th centuries, making them broadly contemporary with the earliest phase of construction. My understanding is that the surviving panels were positioned at the back of the altar, on either side of a depiction of the Nativity, though this central portion is now lost. The surviving pieces depict Jacob, Patriarch of the Old Testament, and his seven sons. Jacob is shown with a long beard and wearing an elaborate hat. The streaming scrolls, almost reminiscent of a James Gillray cartoon, are intended to show Jacob sharing prophesies with his ‘good’ sons about the coming of Christ and the advent of Christianity. However, shoved over on the right-hand edge is his ‘accursed’ son, Dan – founder of the Israelite tribe of the same name. Poor old Dan was shunned (and apparently here depicted as a grotesque) because of the belief that the Antichrist would come from within his tribe. Leaving aside Dan, I’m particularly drawn to how the artist has depicted the others in these panels. I can’t be sure, but my gut feeling is that they were drawn from real individuals from around 15th century Jarrie – possibly even members of the Armuet family themselves. Here they are, bedecked in an amazing array of hats, looking like they’re throwing gang signs for all eternity.

Wednesday, November 15, 2017

Musee de l'Ancien Eveche | The Helmet of Chlodomer?

The helmet as photographed in 2003
This wonderful helmet was found in the 1870s in a peat bog at Saint-Didier, near Vézeronce-Curtin, about 55km to the north-west of Grenoble. It is composed of a gilded copper helm with brass cheek-pieces, and a ring mail neck protection in iron (the leather portions are modern). The helmet appears to be of Byzantine manufacture and was, most likely, owned by a Frankish chieftain. The museum information card dates it to ‘Around 524’ as the find spot was close to the reputed site of the Battle of Vézeronce, fought between the Franks and the Burgundians on June 25, 524 AD. While the battle initially went in the favour of the Burgundians, the Franks turned the tide, albeit with the loss of their king, Chlodomer. The museum’s information card for this piece notes that such a richly decorated item would have belonged to an important individual and dangles the possibility that it may have been Chlodomer’s before saying that is impossible to know for sure.

The helmet as photographed in 2003

Wednesday, November 8, 2017

Musee de l'Ancien Eveche | The parakeet mosaic

I do love a good mosaic, and I have a particular soft spot for this one from Saint-Romain-en-Gal (Ancient Vienne), approximately 75km to the north-west of Grenoble. In its heyday, it would have adorned a wealthy house and dates to the second century AD. The panel is just over 1m square, and the alternating grey and white borders lead the viewer’s eye to a composition of two birds perched on either side of a two-handled vase (krater) with a jet of water erupting between them. Everything about this composition screams symmetry – two handles, two birds in mirror image, the same number of water streams falling one either side of the central pillar. However, it doesn’t quite work as the main jet of water – that should act as a line of symmetry – is offset ever so slightly (but noticeably) to the right. It simultaneously causes an itch somewhere deep inside my brain while still making me love it all the more.

I see different things in this mosaic every time I photograph it. I think that in this particular image it looks like the parakeet on the right has just said something to shock and offend the one on the left … but maybe that’s just me!

Tuesday, October 31, 2017

Slow Recovery or Extended Death Rattle? Northern Ireland's Commercial Archaeology Sector in 2016

Screenshot of the current state of the Tableau visualisation. Data shown ranges from 1998-2016

The evenings are drawing in and the chill winds whistle around the door. It can only mean one thing! Yes, gentle reader, it’s time to take a look at how Northern Ireland’s archaeological consultancies fared in 2016. As I’ve done before, the data from their end-of-year accounts, submitted to Companies House, has been extracted and used to create an interactive dashboard that the reader can investigate and interrogate at will. As Archaeological Development Services (ADS) have been dissolved, and play no part in the current archaeological scene in Northern Ireland, we’ll not deal with them further, other than to note that their data remains available within the dashboard.

Gahan and Long. All Financial KPIs, 2003-2016

Gahan and Long (G&L)

Gahan and Long was formed in 2002 and is run by Chris Long and Audrey Mary Louise Gahan. In 2016 their Cash at Bank increased marginally to £7.2k from £6.2k the previous year. This appears to be part of a continuing, gentle rise from £2.3k in 2013, but far below historic values of over £82k in 2006 and £68k in 2007. Current Liabilities coming due within one year has increased from -£92.8k in 2015 to -£129.2k. This is the most it has been since 2008’s figure of -£144.9k. The value of Debtors has risen to £123.1k from £81.4k the previous year and appears to be part of an ongoing trend since 2013’s figure of £24.8k. However, this is well below the figure of £374.4k for 2008. The value of Fixed Assets (such as land, buildings, or equipment) had been on a continuous downward slope from the £37k recorded in 2007 to 2015's £6k. However, the 2016 accounts indicate an increase to £10.8k, suggesting that there has been an investment back into the company, the first in nine years. The value of Current Assets has been increasing year-on-year from £27.2k in 2013 to £130.3k in 2016. While this ostensibly has the look of increasing prosperity, it should be remembered that 94.44% of this figure is composed of the value of Debtors (Debtors as a Percentage of Assets). Basically, the value of the Current Assets includes a vast proportion of assets you don’t yet have and until you’ve got that cash in your pocket you can never be sure it’s yours. Of course, some value of Debtors is necessary for the running of a business, but when it makes up an excessively large percentage of your Current Assets, it’s wise to exercise some caution. This brings us to New Worth, the only Key Performance Indicator (KPI) that really matters. Although the company is only worth a modest £10.5k in 2016, this is up from £590 the previous year and an historic loss of -£70.1 in 2013. While the Net Worth is heading in the right direction, it is still massively down on the best performing years, such as 2007 (£280.4k) and 2008 (£258.9k).
FarrimondMacManus. All Financial KPIs, 2006-2016
FarrimondMacManus (FMacM)
This company was set up in 2005 and is operated by Christopher John Farrimond and Ciara Mary MacManus. The value of the Cash at Bank has plunged to £12.4k, from £18.7k the year before and an historic high of £85.8k in 2013. Current Liabilities are given as -£57.7k, an increase from 2015's -£34.9k, but still well below the 2013 value of -£90.5k. The value of Creditors falling due more than one year from now is given as -£18.1k, possibly indicating that a business loan has been taken out. This is an historically large amount for this company as previous values hover in the region from -£1.2k to -£3.4k (2008-2011) and this is the first such entry since 2013. This is paralleled by an increase in the value of Fixed Assets to £15k, suggesting that this was a loan to invest in, say, equipment. This is encouraging as the Fixed Assets were valued at nill in both 2014 and 2015, and hadn’t exceeded £500 since 2011. The value of Debtors has fallen from £55.7k in 2015 to £26.1k in 2016. These results have been quite choppy since 2012 and it is difficult to discern a pattern. The value of Stock/Other is given as £27.7k, but I am unable to discern its precise nature. Current Assets have fallen somewhat from £74k in 2015 to £65k now, and are significantly below the figure of £151.7k recorded in 2013. Perhaps more importantly, the percentage of those assets made up by the value of Debtors has dropped to 40.02% from 2015’s 74.83%. For all that, the company’s net worth has plummeted to £4.5k, its lowest on record. This is down from £39.4k in 2015 and £90.5k in 2008.
Northern Archaeological Consultancy. All Financial KPIs, 1998-2016
Northern Archaeological Consultancy (NAC)
Alan Reilly, Stephen William Gilmore, and Colin David Dunlop are the directors of Northern Archaeological Consultancy, founded in 1997 - the only archaeological company in this discussion without female representation at Director level. At the end of 2016 they posted a Cash at Bank value of just £1.8k, down from £2.6k the previous year, and falling so far short of the £49.5k recorded in 2007. Current Liabilities have increased from -£68.4k in 2015 to -£101k. This is comparable to the 2013 value of £108k, and well below the 2006 maximum of -£137.7k. In this year Debtors rose to £85.3k from £47.8k in 2015. This is the first time that the value of Debtors has exceeded £80k since 2011. The value of Fixed Assets increased marginally to £3.8k from £3.4k in 2015. Despite slight increases in value, such as in 2014, the story of the Fixed Assets appears to be one of continued non-investment from 2012 onwards, following a slump from 2007’s historical high of £20.9k. Company value under the heading of Stock/Other rose to £57k in 2016, up from £17.9k the previous year, the highest it has been since 2008. Current Assets are also up sharply from £68.4k in 2015 to £144.3k. However, it remains to be seen if this is evidence of a genuine recovery, or just another slight bump in the general pattern of slump and stagnation that has been ongoing since 2007’s value of £308k. Again, it is worth noting that the 2016 figure sets Debtors as a percentage of Current Assets to 59.16%, down from 69.91% the previous year. It’s still a high percentage, but one that appears to be heading in the right direction. Net Worth for 2016 was recorded at £47.1k. While the progress from 2011’s historic low of -£23.7k has been very much a story of up-and-down-again, the general trend is towards increased New Worth. However, just to put that £47.1k into context – it is but a tiny fraction (less than 1/4) of the company’s 2007 value of £200.6k.
Archaeology and Heritage Consultancy. All Financial KPIs, 2015-2016
Archaeology and Heritage Consultancy (AHC)
Since I last wrote on this topic, another company has entered the market in Northern Ireland. Archaeology and Heritage Consultancy Ltd is run by Lisbeth Sara Crone and was incorporated in 2014. Accounts are available for both 2015 and 2016. In terms of Cash at Bank, the company recorded a value of £5.9k in 2015, rising to £9.9k. In the same time period Current Liabilities coming due within one year have grown from -£4.9k to -£15.7k. Debtors have risen to £12.3k in 2016, from £725. The Fixed Assets are modest, only being valued at £566 in 2016, and at nill the year previous. Current Assets have done well, rising from £6.7k to £22.2k in 2016. Not surprisingly, the Debtors as % of Current Assets has risen from a mere 10.79% in 2015 to 55.45% this year, well within what would be considered normal for this group. Finally, the Net Worth for this company had grown from 2015’s £1.7k to £7k today. 
All Archaeological Consultancies. All Financial KPIs, 1998-2016

The Overall Picture

If we sum all of this data up we get a picture of the sector as a whole. In the first instance, the Cash at Bank figure of £31.5k has remained pretty constant since 2014, but far below historic highs of 2007 (£140k) and 2009 (£135k). Current Liabilities of -£303.7k are on a steep increase since 2014’s return of -£154.7k. Indeed, the 2016 figure is just a couple of hundred pounds short of 2103’s maximum historic debt of -£303.9k. The 2016 returned figures for Debtors is given as £247k, representing a year-on-year increase since 2014’s figure of £98.6k. Fixed Assets show a substantial increase to £30.2k from a mere £9.5k the previous year. Indeed, this is the first evidence of inward investment in the sector since 2007 – almost a decade previouly! The figure of £362k for 2016’s Current Assets also shows sustained growth from 2014’s return of £154.3k. Value attributed to Stock/Other is given as £83.7k for 2016, the highest it has been since the 2008 peak of £140k. Thus, we come to the combined Net Worth of the commercial archaeological sector in Northern Ireland and it is worth stating the full, unabbreviated amount: £69,307. These latest results show steady growth from 2013’s historic low of -£14.9k, but is paltry compared to historic highs recorded in 2007 (£515k) and 2008 (£537k).

Optimists may argue that ‘things are getting better’ in the commercial sector, and there is a grain of truth in that. However, realists can only be appalled at how far the value of the sector has fallen and how little and how slow the recovery from the 2008 collapse has been. For much of the world economy the massive fallout from the ‘Credit Crunch’ is a distant memory and the story since is one of regrowth and recovery. For commercial archaeological companies in Northern Ireland there has been no significant recovery and the endless night of the recession is only slowly lightening, nearly a decade later. To put this into as clear a context as I can manage – the 2016 value of the sector is not even worth 13% of what it was in 2008. Let that sink in. Take all the time you need. The entire sector is only worth £69.3k. The entire sector is only worth £69.3k. No, that’s not a typo – I deliberately repeated the previous sentence so it would resonate with the reader. If the combined Net Worth of the archaeological consultancies in Northern Ireland was available as cash, it couldn’t buy a 3-bedroom house on Tates Avenue or in Poleglass, Belfast, or even a 2-bedroom house off the Donegall Road - none of which are among the more salubrious areas of the city. In 2006, a decade previously – not even at the top of the ‘boom years’ – the sector was worth over £287k. To have fallen to this seems so ... well, paltry ... by comparison. It must be noted that the current value of the sector is not spread equally between the extant companies. My former employers, Northern Archaeological Consultancy, take up the lion’s share of the value at £47.1k. That’s nearly four-and-a-half times the Net Worth of Gahan & Long, their nearest rival. To put it another way, they account for 68% of the worth of this sector. It sounds good, but I’m reminded of a line by Frankie Boyle: “It’s like being voted the Most Valuable Player … in the Scottish League”. Overall, I see little to celebrate here. True, the sector is doing better than it has been, but the fact remains that almost a decade after the financial crash it is but a shadow of its former self. Of course, this series of posts has never just been about the actual financial health of these companies. The deeper question is: What can the financial status, either individually or as a group, tell us about the long-term security of the archaeological archives they hold? To be honest, despite the very modest growth, I cannot see that either the sector or the archives they hold are in any way secure. Looking to the future we may ask 'What can we expect from 2017?' I would not be in the least surprised if the sector continues its slow, tortuous climb back from the distant recession. However, it is clear that this is a sector hanging on by its fingernails and it seems that it would require very little for one or more companies to topple over into insolvency and the havoc that would mean for our shared heritage resources.

Icon made by Freepik from is licensed by CC 3.0 BY

The interactive Tableau dashboard is available below, but may be better viewed directly on my TableauPublic page [here]. It is also best viewed in FullScreen mode - toggled by the icon at the bottom right of the page.

Wednesday, October 25, 2017

Musee de l'Ancien Eveche | The funerary stele of Gaius Papius Secundus

This funerary stele is dedicated to the memory of one Gaius Papius Secundus, a cavalry officer (decurion) in the city of Vienne, approximately 75km to the north-west of Grenoble. Like the stele of Caius Sollius Marculus, which I discussed in a previous post, this also dates to the second century AD. This example has a triangular pediment containing a carved human head (now very worn) above a garland of some description. Below this, the letters D and M (for ‘Dis Manibus’ ‘To the gods’) are divided on either side of a representation of an ‘ascia’ or adze, a common symbol on steles of this period. The commemorative text is enclosed within a moulded, rectangular frame. Following the museum’s information card, the inscription text is on the left, while the expanded and corrected Latin is on the right:

D(is) M(anibus).
G(aio) Papio Secu-
ndo, decurio-
ni c(oloniae) V(iennae), interc{t}ep-
tus an(norum) XXXX et
Secundano, fil{l}io,
ereptus an(norum) X
Senia Marcula,
sub as{s}cia

This can be roughly translated as: “To Gaius Papius Secundus, decurion of the colony of Vienna, carried away [by death] at forty years [of age], and to Secundanus, his son, taken away from his affection at ten years [of age]. Senia Marcula dedicated [this monument] under the ascia [adze] for her dear husband.”

For many archaeologists and historians there’s not much remarkable about this. However, the entirety of my field experience has been in Irish archaeology - notable for a distinct and lamentable lack of Roman funerary monuments. Every time I encounter an inscription like this, I’m simply blown away. I’ve visited this museum on several occasions over the years and have, with assistance, translated the inscription (from the French version, not the Latin, I’m afraid). Much of my training in archaeology emphasised the need for calm objectivity: a reasoned approach, lacking in emotion. I’m not knocking it - It’s the way to get things done! … and yet, when faced with a monument like this, I am still drawn to the very emotional response of imagining this little family lost in time – parents who buried a child; a widow who buried her husband and commissioned a stone commemorating them all. They and their world are long gone, but this stone remains as their sentinel, speaking their names down through the centuries. As romantic and misty-eyed as that makes me sound, I’m still aware that for most of its history this stele was lost and buried – saying nothing to no one – until it was rediscovered in place Notre-Dame (i.e. very close to where it is now on display) in 1804. So, whether you want to take a hard, professional stance or are drawn to a more emotional response, you can experience both with this wonderful monument.

Stele photographed in 2003

Stele photographed in 2003

Wednesday, October 18, 2017

"Always remember to draw the swastika turning to the right": Some thoughts on swastika directionality in Early Medieval Irish Art

Swastikas are, for a number of reasons, endlessly fascinating symbols. Like all symbols, they are only invested with the meanings we give them. Otherwise they are just little shapes and drawings that mean nothing in and of themselves. Owing to its long history and brief (if traumatic) association with Nazism, the swastika probably has a stronger resonance than most. You won’t spend long on the internet attempting to discuss the swastika before someone, trying to be helpful, notes that the Nazi version rotated counter-clockwise (elbows pointing left) and was bad, but the good Buddhist/Hindu version rotated clockwise. They may be trying to be helpful, but they are invariably wrong. It’s true that the version Adolf Hitler designed for the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei only went one direction: counter-clockwise. What’s wrong is that not all other (i.e. non-Nazi) swastikas turn the opposite direction (elbows pointing right).

Rather than dutifully plod through a debunking of this easily-researched falsehood, I want to look at directionality in Irish swastikas, a topic that has not been previously discussed. According to my research, there are 34 ‘items’ in, or of Irish manufacture, that bear some form of swastika. I use the term ‘items’ as it encompasses everything from small artefacts up to large pieces such as high crosses and one megalithic orthostat. Some of these are decorated with a single swastika, while others have up to 37. For the purposes of this post, I’m going to confine myself to the 17 Early Medieval items, in or of Ireland, that are, in one form or another, adorned with swastikas.

Aglish, Co. Kerry. (Source: Left | Right)
The largest single group within this corpus are eight cross-inscribed pillars, half of which are found in Kerry. Arguably the most famous of these is the Aglish pillar stone. It has a distinctive equal-armed cross with expanded terminals, set within a circle, at its head and a line of ogham script running down each side. The late Etienne Rynne dated this example to the 5th or 6th centuries, but more recent work by Swift suggests a date in the 6th to 7th centuries. Just below the cross there are two swastikas, one on either side of a gnomon or spear. Both are anti-clockwise versions.

Inishvickillane, Co. Kerry (Source)

Inishvickillane, Co. Kerry (Cuppage 1986)
The next pillar stone is from Inishvickillane, Co. Kerry, and similarly dates from the 6th to 7th centuries. Three faces of the stone are decorated with variants of the Latin cross. Two are composed of simple, incised lines, while the third has terminals decorate with equilateral triangles and a square at the junction of the shaft and cross-beam. The fourth side bears the swastika (rotating anticlockwise), composed of simple incised lines with an open square at the junction of the shaft and cross-beam. It is clear from the context that this should not be viewed as a symbol apart from the three crosses, but as another form of christian cross, no different to the others. The central point here is that swastikas appearing in christian art cannot be seen as anything other than christian in inspiration and intent. In the same way that saltires, taus, along with Greek and Latin varieties are all variations on the cross theme, so too is the swastika in these contexts.

Cloon West, Co. Kerry (Rynne 1990)

Cloon West, Co. Kerry (Source)

Cloon West, Co. Kerry (Source)
Cloon West, Co. Kerry (Source: O'Sullivan & Sheehan 1996)
At Cloon West in Co Kerry there are two pillar stones standing near each other that, between them bear five swastikas. The first of these has two swastikas on one side and one on the other. All three swastikas, though differing in form, are clearly anticlockwise. One side has a Latin cross with triangular terminals and a pelta above a curving, sinuous swastika. The other side has a similar swastika at the bottom, enhanced by an incised outline. Above this is rectilinear swastika, composed of incised lines and, again, enhanced by an incised, square outline. This latter symbol is connected by a single vertical line to a Greek cross with expanded terminals, inside a decorative border. The second tone has plain Latin crosses on each of its wider faces, both with expanded terminals. One of these crosses sits on circular design, reminiscent of the circle of decoration on the previous slab, and the ornamental patterns on each of its sides. On this example, the swastikas are placed one on each of the narrower sides. Stylistically, they are the same as the one on the previous stone – simple incised rectilinear lines inside a squared outline. The major difference here is that both swastikas are of the clockwise variety.

Fuerty, Co. Roscommon (Source: Courtesy of Gearóid Ó Díomasaigh, Roscommon 3D project)

Fuerty, Co. Roscommon (Source: Courtesy of Gearóid Ó Díomasaigh, Roscommon 3D project)

Next, we come to the partial swastika from Fuerty, Co Roscommon. It is thought to date to the 9th to 11th centuries and is executed in false relied. Although only partially preserved, it is clear that the swastika here was conceived as quite similar to the previous example, with an incised outline running around a central swastika figure. It is also clear that the swastika is of the anticlockwise type.

Cliffoney, Co. Sligo (Source: Left | Right)

At Cliffoney, Co. Sligo, a slab at Brigid’s Well is decorated with a long Latin cross. The lower shaft of the cross and arms are decorated with a series of saltires. The head of the cross is roughly square and contains an anticlockwise rotating swastika. The junction of the arms and head is taken up with a series of concentric circles while the top of the cross is covered with a curly-ended pelta shape.

Termons, Church Island, Co. Cork (Source)

There are two more stones to add to this collection. The first is from Termons, Church Island, Co. Cork. It is described as incorporating a debased form of the swastika at the junction of the shaft and arms. I’ve never been particularly convinced by this example as a true swastika, and the only image I can find doesn’t give any clear impression of directionality. The other stone is from Killaraght, Co. Sligo. The only description I have of it is the following: “A piece of Old Red Sandstone, probably of Early Christian date, can be seen in the old section of the graveyard. It has four D-shaped projections, the top of each is decorated with a swastika” (M B Timony: Killaraght Early Christian Cross Slab). Unfortunately, I do not possess a photograph or drawing of this stone and do not know any more about it.

Kilkieran, Co. Kilkenny (Source)

Kilkieran, Co. Kilkenny (Source: Photograph of drawing on information board by Chris McClintock)

While the symbol is relatively popular in the cross-inscribed stone tradition, it is almost completely absent from the corpus of High Crosses. That is, except for the example from Kilkieran, Co. Kilkenny. The cross is part of the ‘Ahenny Group’ and dates to the 8th or 9th centuries, making it contemporary with some of the examples mentioned above and among the earlier High Crosses. What I can make out from the available imagery is that the arms of the cross were each decorated with a rectilinear, if slightly disjointed, swastika, one going in each direction. The head of the cross appears to have had a form of swastika composed of curvilinear lines, going in a clockwise direction. There are two further areas of decoration that – in the right light – might be interpreted as swastikas, but are just too indistinct to be sure. For the purposes of this research, I’m reluctant to even include them as ‘possibles’.

Lindisfarne, England (Source)

Although Lindisfarne is on the east coast of England, it is considered to have been an Irish monastery, having been founded by Irish monks from Iona. The illuminated manuscript known as the Lindisfarne Gospels is in the Insular style and dates to around 700 AD. Folio 210v is a ‘carpet page’, a characteristic feature of the Insular manuscript tradition where the page is given over to elaborate ornamentation. In this example, prefacing the Gospel of John, the central decorative item is an equal-armed Greek cross. At the cardinal points, there are T-shaped or ‘Tau’ crosses, and the four angles are decorated with L-shaped pieces. In each of four gaps between the ends of the L-shaped pieces and the tau crosses there is a square block, each of which contains a swastika. The top two turn to the left (anticlockwise), while the lower pair turn clockwise.

Cathedral Hill, Co Armagh (Source: Top: Gaskell-Brown & Harper 1984 | Bottom: Edwards 1990)
At Cathedral Hill, Co Armagh, excavation by Cynthia Gaskell Brown and A.E.T. Harper in 1968 recovered a bone knife handle from a dump of material, pushed into a ditch. Judging by the associated material, it would appear to date to the broad period from the 5th to 10th centuries. It is also decorated with four swastikas, each one composed of simple, incised lines, enhanced by an incised outline, giving the whole the form of a small square. As far as I can ascertain from both the published drawing and photograph, two swastikas turn anticlockwise, while one turns the opposite direction. Unfortunately, I cannot be sure of the direction of the other example and while I suspect that it would turn clockwise (giving two of each type), I cannot be certain and have assigned this to my ‘Unclear’ category.

Oseberg, Norway (Source: Paul Parker via Flickr. Reproduced by kind permission)
The final group are all of metal, and represent both religious and secular prestige goods. The first of these is the so-called ‘buddha bucket’ from Oseberg, Norway. The bucket is thought to have been created in the late 7th century, making it quite the heirloom by the time it was deposited as part of the funeral offerings in the mid-9th century. The bucket is composed of yew wood staves, bound together with copper strips. The junction between the rim and the handle is decorated with a small figure in copper alloy, notable for his crossed legs position. He also has a centre-parted hairstyle that can be paralleled on the figure of St Matthew from the Book of Durrow, itself dating to the period from 650-700 AD. The figure’s chest bears a large Greek cross with millefiori decoration in the form of multiple small saltire crosses (50, by my count). Each of the angles of the Greek cross are filled by a four interlocking tau crosses in yellow enamel, composed in such a way as to create a swastika from the linear voids between them. However, the artist arranged the taus in such a way as to have the top left and bottom right swastikas rotate anticlockwise, while the remainder move in the opposite direction.

Løland, Norway (Source: Bruce-Mitford 2005)

At Løland, Norway, a hanging bowl escutcheon of possible Irish manufacture was recovered from a burial and is thought to date to the 8th or early 9th centuries. Here two human masks with ovoid eyes, long noses and wide mouths are placed on either side of a square. The square contains an arrangement of four T-shapes that, like the Oseberg example, create a swastika in the void between them. In this case the swastika is rotating in a clockwise direction.

Coolbuck crannog, Lough Eyes, Co Fermanagh (Source: Bourke, 2000)

A thin strip of decorated metal from Coolbuck crannog in Lough Eyes, Co Fermanagh, bears four square, stamped motifs. It is unclear what this item was originally part of, but it seems reasonable to suggest that it was attached to a wooden or leather background of some kind, using the recessed nail holes. Although atypical of Irish metalwork, it has been suggested that it was created as a repair piece for a hanging bowl during the 8th century. Whatever its function, one of the square decorations bears a clearly stamped swastika, spinning in an anticlockwise direction.

Lagore, Co. Meath (Source: Lucas et al. 1961)

The list of archaeological acquisitions for the year 1959 includes an image of the ring portion of a penannular brooch from Lagore, Co. Meath, dating to the 6th or 7th century. The published description indicates that the right-hand terminal is decorated with three chequerboard plaques of millefiori set in a red enamel background. The decorative elements are completed by the addition of a fourth blue and white millefiori plaque, this time bearing four swastikas. The two on the left turn anti clockwise, while the two on the right turn in the opposite direction. Each swastika is set within the quadrants of a pair of lines intersecting in an x-shape. It may be pushing the evidence too far to describe this as a formal saltire cross. The opposite terminal appears to have been decorated in the same manner, but not enough survives to be sure of the swastika’s directionality.

Ardagh, Co Limerick (Source: Dr M Comber, NUIG)

The Ardagh hoard from Co Limerick is justly famous as one of the great metalwork accomplishments of this period. The central piece within the hoard, the great Ardagh Chalice, was created during the eighth century and bears a large amount of intricate and detailed decoration on its various elements. In particular, I want to note two curving panels on the underside of the foot-ring. Each panel bears 72 incised Tau shapes, arranged in 18 groups of four. Each group of four produces a swastika shape at their intersection. Thus, there are 36 swastikas between the two panels. I only have an image of one of these panels, so can’t be sure of the directionality of the entire set. The 18 swastikas currently visible to me are all rotating clockwise.

St Patrick’s Bell shrine (Source)
The final piece in my catalogue is the spectacular object known as St Patrick’s Bell shrine. The external shrine was commissioned by King Domnall Ua Lochlainn between 1091 and 1105. The front and sides, along with the entirety of crest show liberal use of ‘Urnes style’ serpentine forms, indicating a significant Viking artistic influence. Beautiful as these are, I’m only interested in the back panel. Here a rather wonderful 3D effect is conjured up through the use of a silver grille set over a sheet of gilded bronze. The first image that hits the observer is that of the repeated use of equal-armed Greek crosses formed in the voids of the silver grille. The border is completed through the inclusion of 10 tau crosses, along with two L-shapes. More difficult to perceive, however, are the 37 clockwise-spinning swastikas formed from solid silver areas between the Greek crosses.

By my count, these 17 items bear 109 swastikas between them. These may be broken down as follows:

Clockwise:           67           61.5%
Anticlockwise:   18           16.5%
Unknown:           24           22%

From this it should be clear that anti-clockwise swastikas were a small-scale, but established, element of the Early Medieval artistic repertoire. As such they should not be seen as unusual or in any way anomalous. My only reservation in using these figures is that one single item (St Patrick’s Bell Shrine) makes up just over one-third of the examples (37 of 109), considerably skewing the data. Perhaps a fairer way of looking at the corpus is to restructure the data by a count of the occurrences by type. This means that an artefact with multiple swastikas would count as a single instance in each direction. Thus, St Patrick’s Bell Shrine is reweighted to count as 1 as all of its examples are clockwise. However, the four examples seen on the Lindisfarne carpet page count as 2, with examples rotating in each direction. Reweighted in this manner we see a more balanced account of swastika occurrences in Irish Early Medieval art:

Clockwise:           9              39%
Anticlockwise:   10           43.5%
Unknown:           4              17.5%

Seen in this way, anticlockwise swastika symbols make up approximately half of the recognised examples. However we chose to enumerate the examples within the Early Medieval art, the question remains as to the meaning of the swastika in such contexts. I have no difficulty in seeing the swastika as a sun symbol in other contexts – frequently associated with horses as the motive force – the evidence just doesn’t appear to be there to make the same case for the Irish examples. I believe that a competent case was put forward by Rynne that the swastika on the 15th century McMahon tomb in Ennis Friary may be viably interpreted as a symbol of Christian resurrection. Such an interpretation would be consistent with its use on the roughly 16th century grave slab at St James’ graveyard in Dingle, Co. Kerry. However, I simply do not see that as a conclusion that can be legitimately drawn directly from the earlier Irish material. Instead, I would look towards the association of the swastika with other symbols where it occurs. Of the 17 extant examples, 12 (70.5%) are associated with some form of christian cross, with some having more than one association. These include 5 with Greek crosses (29.4%), along with the same numbers of both Latin and Tau crosses. A further two (11.8%) are associated with Saltires. Thus, my argument is that the swastika symbol is (in these contexts) simply a variant form of christian cross, no different than any of the others. Implicit within that is the understanding that the swastika form embodies those aspects of christian teaching commonly associated with other cross forms, including teachings around the death and resurrection of Jesus and the claims of afterlife salvation. Thus, the directionality of the symbol is divorced from its older use as a sun symbol and of no real significance in this context. There is no 'right' or 'wrong' direction for an Irish swastika to spin - it just spins!

Should any reader have or know of one or more clear photographs or drawings of any of the examples mentioned above – especially of the Killaraght, Co Sligo, stone – they would be made very welcome here. By the same token, should you be aware of any other Irish swastikas that have eluded my searches, I would be particularly delighted to hear about them.

The first part of this post’s title is taken from Gwar's song ‘Slaughterama’, from the satirical shock rock band's 1990 album Scumdogs of the Universe. But, of course, you knew that.

Cited Works:
Bourke, C. 2000 A bronze mount from Lough Eyes, County Fermanagh. Ulster Journal of Archaeology 59.

Bruce-Mitford, R. 2005 The corpus of Late Celtic hanging bowls. With an account of the bowls found in Scandinavia by Sheila Raven. Oxford.

Cuppage, J. 1986 Corca Dhuibhne. Dingle Peninsula archaeological surveyBallyferriter.

Edwards, N. 1990 The archaeology of Early Medieval Ireland. London.

Gaskell-Brown, C. & Harper, A. E. T. 1984 Excavations on Cathedral Hill, Armagh, 1968 Ulster Journal of Archaeology 47.

Lucas, A. T., Ó Ríordáin, A. B., Rynne, E. Prendergast, E. Raftery, J. & O'Kelly, M. J. 1961 National Museum of Ireland Archaeological Acquisitions in the Year 1959 Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 91.1

O'Sullivan, A. & Sheehan, J. 1996 The Iveragh Peninsula: an archaeological survey of south Kerry. Cork.

Rynne, E. 1990 'The swastika at Ennis—symbol of the Resurrection' North Munster Antiquarian Journal 32.